ANTIOCH of Syria

ANTIOCH of Syria I. History – II. Councils – III. Schism – IV. Liturgy – V. School – VI. Archaeology. I. History. Sociocultural context. Capital of W Syria or Coele-Syria, founded in 300 BC by Seleucus I Nicanor, son of Antiochus, from whom it received its name and the epithet royal. Capital of the Seleucid monarchy, it was also an imperial residence. Enviably situated near the river Orontes and the Silpius and Stauris Mountains, a city both fertile and commercial, Antioch had sumptuous buildings, baths, theaters and hippodromes, and a library. In the 4th c. there were still 8 pagan temples; the village of Daphne was 6 km 3.7 mi away. Syria was one of the 5 divisions of the prefecture of the East; seat of the comes of the East, the city enjoyed a moral-cultural supremacy rather than a political-administrative one. One of the largest cities of the Roman world 4th-c. population 500,000- 800,000, second or third after Rome and Alexandria, Antioch was home to one of the most important communities of the Jewish diaspora C.H. Cr¤ling, 130-160. Cosmopolitan, it was Greek in spirit and culture; its official language was Greek, though Syriac was the popular tongue. There was a large middle class between rich and poor Chrys., In Matth. hom. 66.3: PG 58, 630; In Gen. serm. 8,2: PG 54, 619, with a notable inequality separating large landowners, small shopkeepers, artisans, beggars and slaves. The people themselves were volatile and restless. In the 7th c. Antioch fell with Syria to the Arabs 638 969 J. Kollwitz, Antiochia am Orontes: RAC 1950 1, 461-463. Christianity until the 7th century. 1. Origins. Hellenist Jewish Christians from Jerusalem, arriving from Cyprus and Cyrenaica, preached the gospel there, with many converts. Here the disciples were first called Christians Acts 11:19-26 by pagan authorities, the populace, the Christians themselves?. With the triumph of the Pauline thesis of the noncircumcision of converts from paganism and the overcoming of the incident at Antioch between Peter and Paul Gal 2:1-14, the Christian community of Antioch became more settled. Antioch’s authority derived from the role it assumed in the mission to the pagans and from the organizational model for the new churches Ch. Pietri, 94. It had a particular role in theology and apologetics Theophilus, bishop of Antioch, see R.M. Grant. Christianity penetrated the rural zones only with difficulty in Syria, due to the presence of Semitic divinities, reinterpreted according to Greek mythology. It also clashed with Jewish Christian sects and Jewish proselytism, as shown by the Didascalia Apostolorum 3rd or 4th c. see H.J.W. Drijvers, The Persistence of Pagan Cults and Practices in Christian Syria, in East of Byzantium, Washington 1982, 35-43. The Ad Autoycum of Theophilus 169 188 attests the link, still strong, between Judaism and Christianity R.M. Grant, Theophilus of Antioch ad Autolycum, Oxford 1970, XVIII. Antioch was distinguished in the 3rd c. along with Alexandria: episcopal synods presided over by its bishop, e.g., Paul of Samosata 261 272, indicated its ecclesiastical-political importance. Paul of Samosata was excommunicated and deposed 268 269, accused of adoptionism the Logos did not have a personal substance and for practices of the old Syriac and Jewish Christian tradition alternate choirs sang the refrain of hymns, see J. Glineau, 1960. 2. Persecution and the peace of Constantine. Antioch survived the crisis of the persecutions, even those of Diocletian and Licinius, recovering through Constantine’s favor 306 337. There was also a violent persecution under Valens 364 378, who resided at Antioch and favored the homoians: Bishop Meletius was exiled for the third time, Catholic churches were requisitioned and Nicene Christians harassed by the emperor. Meletius was proposed by Theodosius 379 395 as president of the Council of Constantinople 381 but died in the first months of that year. The literary polemic of Libanius and the emperor Julian was opposed at Antioch with public demonstrations. In 362 Julian accused Christian teachers, who commented on classical pagan works, of teaching what was contary to their beliefs. They should instead explain Matthew and Luke in the Galilean i.e., Christian churches and refrain from teaching classical culture Ep. 36; see H.-I. Marrou, 422-424 and proceeded to establish an alternative church with a creed, prayers, a sacrament baptism and charitable works. He alienated the Christians, writing the Misopogon, that is, The Beard-Hater, against them. His project was interrupted by his death in battle against the Persians 363: You won, O Galilean! Theodoret of Cyrrhus, HE III, 20; see Soz. HE VI, 2. In 390 John Chrysostom considered Antioch almost completely Christian Adv. Jud. 1,4: PG 48, 849, with few pagans and a strong Jewish community Theod., HE III,9-12: PG 82, 1101-1108. The increase in the number of faithful in the city and the evangelization of the countryside modified the structure of the local episcopal church: new churches were built, esp. after the peace of Constantine 313, including the splendid Great Church, with octagonal central plan and gilded dome, begun by Constantine, finished by Constantius II 337 361 and dedicated in the presence of the many bishops of the council in Encaeniis 341 Theod., HE III, 8: PG 82, 1099. Surrounded by attached buildings in the new city, Chrysostom preached there regularly the cathedral?. The Old Church Palaia in the old city, rebuilt after a persecution and finished by Bishop Philogonius 319 324, was contested by the various religious groups. On the periphery was the sanctuary of the Maccabees; another church was that of Romanus and Drosis; others were dedicated to saints in the 5th c. W. Eltesten, Die Kirchen, 286. The developments in Christianity beginning in the 4th c. are also confirmed by the density of episcopal sees: 80 bishops of the civil dioceses of the East were present at the Council of Nicaea, 130 at Chalcedon R. Devreesse, 1945. New construction was carried out outside of Antioch in the 5th c. G. Dagron, 1978, 58-63. Nevertheless, in the late 4th c. there was still a pagan and Jewish minority of approximately 10 percent J.H.W.G. Liebesch¼tz, 1972, 224-241; J. Kollwitz, Antiochia am Orontes: RAC 1950 1, 463-468. 3. Patriarchate: origin and evolution. The organization of the vast civil diocese of the East, of which Antioch was administrative capital, for a long time followed the model of political organization. Antioch was considered the mother church P. Maraval, Storia del Cristianesimo, 841; on the bishops of Antioch, see ibid., 842. The Didascalia Apostolorum describes the separation between clergy and faithful in the ecclesial community, in which the offices of ecclesiastics depended on the bishop, whose qualities were listed F. Nau, La Didascalie, 1912, ch. IV, 39-44: he is his community’s presbyter, as well as its prophet, head, guide and sovereign ibid., ch. VIII, 75. Below the bishop are presbyters with nonpriestly functions, acting as the bishop’s advisors ibid., ch. IX, 88; the deacons in the bishop’s service are his ears, mouth and heart ibid., c. IX, 88, intermediaries with the laity ibid., c. IX, 84, about whose needs they must keep him informed ibid., ch. XVI, 135- 137; next are the inferior ministries ibid., ch. XVI, 134-135. The Traditio Apostolica, on the one hand, presents a hierarchy in an embryonic state; the Didascalia, on the other hand, presents the growing predominance of the bishop A. Faivre, Naissance d’une hierarchie, 1977, 170. Can. 6 of the Council of Nicaea 325 reconfirmed Antioch’s privileges, along with Alexandria, Rome and Jerusalem, implying that the bishop of Antioch was also a supermetropolitan: from this grew the patriarchates, influenced in their development by geographic-politicaleconomic centrality, cultural importance and the apostolic origin the Petrine principle of the see itself. Antioch dared not protest can. 3 of the Council of Constantinople 381 primacy of honor to Constantinople the new Rome with the old Rome next on the list. The council reconfirmed the Nicene privileges in Antioch’s regard, as principal see of the diocese of the East; Boniface I 418 422, however, formulated the subordination of Antioch and Alexandria to Rome Ep. 14,1. Severus of Antioch and the Severians, intransigent monophysites Eutychians, rejected the formula of the Council of Chalcedon 451 as Nestorianizing. Monophysite candidates succeeded to the patriarchal sees, including Peter the Fuller 470-471 at Antioch, under whose influence an imperial edict condemned the Chalcedonian Creed and the Dogmatic Epistle of Leo I; 500 bishops were obliged to assent. Against Constantinople, Antioch and Alexandria preferred to defend themselves without the pope. The patriarch of Antioch 482 accepted the Henoticon, prepared by Acacius and promulgated by Zeno. The national Nestorian church of Persia detached itself from the patriarchate of Antioch under Metropolitan Babaj of Seleucia-Ctesiphon 497 503, who took the title of catholicos patriarch. Cyprus had already detached in 488, having demonstrated its apostolic origin the supposed tomb of Barnabas, a principle which Rome always held to: relations between Rome and the patriarchates, always tense, are one of the most pronounced features of church history. Pope Hormisdas 514 523 wrote the emperor, exhorting him to work for unity of faith at Antioch and at Alexandria. Justinian 527 565 himself acknowledged Antioch as in the fourth position, after Rome, Constantinople and Alexandria. Isidore, archbishop of Seville 600 636, for whom a patriarch was one who held an apostolic see, cites Rome, Antioch and Alexandria as such Etymol. 7,12,5. From Antioch we have the first effective systematic collection of canon law, now titled Collectio LXXVIII capitum. The first Nomocanon or of the fifty titles, containing ecclesiastical-imperial law, seems to have been composed here late 5th c.. The Notitia Antiochena seems to date from the second half of the 6th c. 4. Arab domination. The patriarchate of Antioch, weakened by dissensions, fell under Arab rule in 637, followed by Jerusalem 638 and Alexandria 642. 5. Monasticism. Monasticism flourished in the 4th c. at Antioch, as had Encratism in the 2nd c. Theses maintaining that poverty and complete abstinence derived exclusively from Persian or Manichean influence, on the one hand, or that the primitive Syrian church derived exclusively from an ascetical movement, on the other hand, are unsustainable. An autonomous origin of Syrian eremitic life is possible; it received Egyptian influence in the post-Constantinian era Athanasius’s Vita Antonii. Many hermits and monks lived in the mountains N and W of Antioch Amanus and Silpius. It seems anchorism was the first form of monastic life, its various forms sharing a common trait: the extreme rigor of ascesis. Rigorous monasticism, at times bizarre in its expression, assumed forms of eremitism, including stylitism and anchorism, as on Antioch’s periphery. Monasticism was respected, at first having no cultural interests and establishing itself through social-charitable and missionary action, for the most part with respect for the ecclesiastical hierarchy. Chrysostom invited the monks to evangelize; when he was bishop of Constantinople, Syrian monks offered themselves for a mission in Phoenicia. In 387 monks took part in the anti-imperial rebellion at Antioch and were reproached for it by Theodosius I 379 385, who forbade them to live in the city CTh XVI, 3,1; IX, 40,16. Nestorius lived in a monastery near Antioch. The distinctive sign of monks vis- -vis the laity, for Chrysostom and others, was not the pursuit of perfection, an obligation common to all, but celibacy: beyond evangelical perfection, monasticism was an eschatalogical sign of the kingdom of God. A promoter of monasticism in the West was John Cassian, previously a deacon at Constantinople with Chrysostom and then a priest at Antioch. Antimonastic lay currents at Antioch 4th-5th c. considered the monks corruptors of youth, enticing them to the desert. 6. Charity. The fervent preaching at Antioch was made credible by charitable works, directed by a deacon and assisted by deaconesses and widows, in response to enormous needs. Chrysostom provides us with a 4th-c. example: 3000 virgins and widows assisted daily. Hospitals and hospices aided prisoners, the sick, convalescents and foreigners In Matth. hom. 66,3: PG 58, 630. Financial resources ecclesiastical goods were supplemented by the not-verygenerous offerings of the faithful. Chrysostom considered alms a first duty of the faithful, in proportion to one’s wealth justly acquired; his aim was social solidarity, according to a Christian social utopia. Only a few rich people gave private agape to the poor In 1 Thess. hom. 11,5: PG 62, 468. Chrysostom criticized euergetism, by which one squandered his fortune to finance spectacles, only for popular acclaim Inan. glor. 4-7. 7. Missionary activity. Converts increased under Bishop Theophilus at the end of the 2nd c. Ad Autol. I-III, and already in its first half in Osrhoene, E Syria and Edessa Addai and Haggai; they also increased between Nisibis and the Euphrates see the inscription of Abercius. A synod was held at Edessa Eus., HE V, 23,4. Antioch was also involved in this movement: Bishop Palut of Edessa was consecrated at Antioch 190. From Edessa the missionary movement spread to the surrounding countryside, as far as Mesopotamia. The 3rd c. saw internal consolidation and external development, and the school of Antioch flourished. Antioch became an active missionary center for central Asia Minor, Armenia, Mesopotamia and Persia. 22 bishops from W Syria went to Nicaea 325, 2 of them chorbishops in the countryside. At the start of Diocletian’s persecutions 303, Syrian prisons were everywhere full of bishops, presbyters and deacons, lectors and exorcists Eus., HE VIII, 6. At the beginning of the period spanning the 4th- 6th c., most of Syria’s rural population was Christian, as archaeological G. Tchalenko and epigraphical L. Jalabert evidence shows. During the Council of Chalcedon the patriarchate of Antioch had 130 episcopal sees R. Devreesse. Chrysostom notes the persistence of pagan practices and mindsets, and the attraction of Judaism M. Simon, 1964, 356-363; R.L. Wilken, 1983, as also outside Antioch, like at Apamea and Harran, near Edessa R. Trombley, 1993, 123-129. Monks were active in evangelization and social assistance e.g., the stylites. Antioch evangelized the Arab nomads in E Syria a bishop of the Arabs was at the Synod of Antioch of 363. From Syria, evangelization spread to N India, with the religious assistance of the communities of S India. Cyprus was declared autonomous from Antioch Council of Ephesus 431. Laypeople were expected to play a significant missionary role, as witnesses: There would be no pagans left if we were true Christians Chrys., In Ep. ad Tim. hom. 10,3; PG 62, 551. We can conclude that the local episcopal churches sustained the mission in the territories of the empire K. Baus, Storia d. Chiesa, II, 233. The period from the 7th to the 9th c. saw Christianity under Islamic rule. Byzantine Syria fell under Islam in 636. The treaty with the Christians of S Arabia was also valid for Syria, and ecclesiastical life went on in relative freedom; it became difficult under the Caliph Abd-al Malik 685 705. The imperial church lost vast territories, including Antioch. Two divisions were created: the orthodox church coincided with the imperial church, and vast areas of the monophysite and Nestorian churches coincided with the lands conquered by Islam. Islam recognized the Byzantine emperor as a protector of the Christians, and he in turn, for obvious reasons, flaunted this role over the Melkite patriarchates of Syria and Egypt, which were unable to assert their own rights over Islam. DHGE 3,563-703; DACL 1,2359-2427; EC 1, 1455ff.; Didascalia Apostolorum, Fr. tr. F. Nau, La Didascalie des douze ap´tres, Paris 1912; A. Harnack, Missione e propagazione del Cristianesimo nei primi tre secoli, Milan 1906; H. Dieckmann, Antiochien, ein Mittelpunkt urchristlicher Missionst¤tigkeit, Aachen 1920; S. Bouchier, A Short History of Antiochia, Oxford 1921; J. Schmidlin, Manuale di storia delle missioni cattoliche, I, Milan 1927, 17-126; W. Eltester, Die Kirchen Antiochias in IV. Jahrhundert: ZNTW 36 1937 251-286; R. Devreesse, Le Patriarcat d’Antioche, depuis la paix de l’‰glise jusqu’  la conquªte arabe, Paris 1945; J. Lassus, Sanctuaires chrtiens de Syrie, Essai sur la gn¨se, la forme et l’usage liturgique du culte chrtien en Syrie du IIIe  si¨cle   la comquªte musulmane, Paris 1947; G. Haddad, Aspects of Social Life in Antioch in the Hellenistic Roman Period, Chicago 1949; J. Kollwitz, Antiochia am Orontes: RAC 1950 1, 461-469; G. Downey, Ancient Antioch, Princeton, NJ 1968; J.A. Festugi¨re, Antioche pa¯enne et chrtienne, Paris 1969; J.H.W.G. Liebesch¼tz, Antioch, City and Imperial Administration in the Late Roman Empire, Oxford 1972; G. Downey, A History of Antioch in Syria from Seleucus to the Arab Conquest, Princeton NJ 3 1974; A. Momigliano ed., Il conflitto tra paganesimo e cristianesimo nel secolo IV, Turin 1975; O. Pasquato, Gli spettacoli in S. Giov. Crisostomo. Paganesimo e cristianesimo ad A. e Costantinopoli, OCA 201 Rome 1976; K. Baus, Storia della Chiesa, II, Milan 1977, 129-244; Fliche-Martin, Storia della Chiesa, III2, Turin 3 1977, 711-729, 399-417; W. A. Meeks, Jews and Christians in Antioch in the First Four Centuries, Missoula, MT 1978; R. Br¤ndle, Matth. 25,3-46 im Werk des Johannes Chrysostomos, T¼bingen 1979; A. Natali, ‰glise et vergetisme   Antioche   la fin du IVe  si¨cle d’apr¨s Jean Chrysostome: SP 173, Oxford-Paris 1982, 1176-1184; R.L. Wilken, John Chrysostom and the Jews: Rhetoric and Reality in the Late 4th Century, Berkeley-Los Angeles-London 1983; O. Pasquato, Eretici e cattolici ad Antiochia in Giovanni Crisostomo: eresia ed eresiologia nella Chiesa antica: Augustinianum 25 1985 833-852; R. Br¤ndle, Christen und Juden in Antiochien in den Jahren 38687. Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte altkirchlicher Judenfeindschaft: Judaica 43 1987 142-160; A. Vbus, History of Ascetism, III, Louvain 1988, 227-278; G.M. Columbs, Il monachesimo delle origini, 1, Milan 1990, 137-169 Syrian monasticism; L. Cracco Ruggini, Poteri in gara per la salvezza di citt  ribelli: il caso di Antiochia 387 d.C.: Hestiasis. Misc. S. Calderone, Messina 1991, 265-290; R.A. Krupp, Shepherding the Flock of God: The Pastoral Theology of John Chrysostom, New York 1991; F. Van de Paverd, St. John Chrysostom, the Homilies on the Statues: An Introduction OCA, 239 Rome 1991; P. Brown, Body and Society, New York 2 2008; J.H.W.G. Liebesch¼tz, Barbarians and Bishops: Army, Church and State in the Age of Arcadius and Chrysostom, Oxford 2 1992; J.-N. Guinot, L’Homlie sur Babylas de Jean Chrysostom: la victoire du martyr sur l’hellnisme, in La narrativa cristiana antica SEA 50, Rome 1995, 323-341; P. Klosvogt, Leben zur Verherrlichung Gottes. Botschaft des Johannes Chrysostomos. Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte der Pastoral Hereditas, Bonn 1992; L. Zappella, Introduzione a: Giovanni Crisostomo, Le catechesi battesimali, Milan 1998, 9-125; J.-M. Salamito, Cristianizzazione e vita sociale 312 430: Storia del Christianity, 2, 633-672; O. Pasquato, I laici in Giovanni Crisostomo. Tra Chiesa, famiglia e citt , Rome 2 2001; B. Flusin, Lo sviluppo del monachesimo orientale: Storia del Cristianesimo, 3, 531-544; A. Miranda, Ministero presbiterale e autorit  spirituale in Giovanni Crisostomo. I fondamenti e lo spazio ideale del presbitero nella Chiesa tra IV e V secolo, in Historiam Perscrutari. Miscellanea di studi offerti al prof. Ottorino Pasquato, ed. M. Maritano, Rome 2002, 793-813; P. Maraval, La Siria: Storia del Cristianesimo, 1, 485-488.Antioch, Syria 10th Century Lithograph holidaymapq

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